A Collection of Tutorial Comments - Zac
Preface
As someone primarily interested in technology philosophy
I’ve been fortunate enough to have functionally taken 2 classes with Prof.
Johnson on the subject, so much of the papers came as review to me. In rereading
I had more thoughts come up about how they presented the argument then the
argument itself. Thus, I thought it would be more interesting to write a short pseudo
tutorial comments paper in reaction to several of my peers blog posts. Also
since last time some people suggested I just paste entire relevant past papers
I’ll do add one at the bottom. I will sometimes pull quotes from it in
commenting.
Tim on Weighting, Internet Training, Bias in
the data, and Human vs AI bias
I’m glad you brought up weighting
because it’s the intuitive CS answer. However, it really would not solve the
problem.
“These are simple examples of data
manipulation, the extent to which you can shift weighting of features in a data
set is near limitless. Parts of data sets can easily be given x times as much
weight, enabling flexible results. Additional algorithms could even be
developed to automatically adjust the weighting to maintain equivalence. For
instance, decreasing the weighting of women data points if the number of searches
on “women in stem” increases, or increasing weighting upon decreases. The
flexibility, simplicity, and speed of these corrections outline the
effectiveness of debiasing through data manipulation. Hence, the adoption of
these strategies over the past few years.
Next, I challenge debiasing data manipulation
techniques effectiveness in creating non-problematic data. I contend there are problems
with relying on solely debiasing data manipulation for mitigating problematic
social biases. These debiasing techniques privilege subsets in ways that
reproduces bias through other characteristics. Existing women in stem may have
many characteristics not present in women generally such as higher parental
wealth. As such a debiased algorithm identifying future stem majors may
identify an equal number of men and women, but it would be disproportionately
weighted towards the affluent. This means it does not resolve the fundamental
problem of reproducing past trends. Some women who do not grow up in affluent
families should become stem majors. But if most past successful examples are of
affluent women, algorithms will identify the non-wealthy as unfit. There may be
an attempt to forcibly decrease the weighting of wealthy stem majors. Then the
algorithm will be dominated by men stem majors who are far more common among middle-
and lower-class upbringings. Additionally, reweighting the number of data
points does not change percentages. Multiply the number of white defendants in
Northpointe’s algorithm. Those white defendants’ false flag rate remains the
same, not equivalent to black defendants, since it simply increases the size of
the existing data set. This reproduces an algorithm that is discriminatory in
how often it concludes white defendants will reoffend. Third, the “black box”
nature of many complex algorithms means engineers cannot explain, let alone
effectively modify these programs while maintaining accurate predictions. Fourth,
bias comes from what is absent from the data set. People who search about
“women in stem” have technological access, many women who are interested may not.
If two women are considering stem. A
heavy tech user will likely search on google, while the other women may ask a
friend. The light tech user will have their biases underrepresented in search
datasets. These biases are nearly impossible to manipulate due to creating
absences within the training data. These doubts challenge debiasing data
manipulation techniques’ ability to prevent individual algorithms from
inheriting problematic social patterns.”
Additionally, a majority of
algorithms do not have open access to the internet, prominent examples like
Microsoft’s Tay in the paper have taught some lessons, they are mostly taught
offline. The problem is the same human biases exist offline as on the internet.
“What an algorithm does is that it seeks to produce
the most correct result with the data it is presented. This is not unlike what
a human (such as a judge) does - we try to make the best decision with the data
that are presented.”
“most correct” is an interesting phrasing, and I think
would be something we ought to explore in seminar: what is the most correct
result to strive for. Because the problem is often how the algorithm defines
that.
“an algorithm's bias is actually capable of
being corrected and improved, whereas our biases
are static.”
This seems false, humans are famously distinct from
other animals on our ability to learn. Also seems to lead down a problematic
road of racist doomerism, where a racist is permitted to continue to be racist
because you can’t teach an old dog new tricks. It seems just like AI we can
work to reduce human biases.
“When we see that the algorithm unfairly punishes
African Americans, we can easily attribute that mistake to a misevaluation of
the data that fed its systems.”
First the algorithm did not just do bad compared to
perfect, it did significantly worse then humans.
Second, this really misses the point Johnson is trying
to make, which is the Computer Scientist always argues the bias is tied to the
data and if they had better data then they wouldn’t have bias. This sort of “view
from nowhere” ignores how the data becomes biased in the first place.
“Beyond accounting for algorithmic bias
resulting from data inputs influenced by social structures, I contend we must
account for bias in the neutrality heuristic used surrounding algorithmic
decision-making. The neutrality heuristic inhibits effective countermeasures to
bias in data under the pretense that it is already neutral. It propagates a
myth of objectivity, of no algorithmic decision. If you asked Trump to set the
top ten search results for the word “spy,” you could scrutinize their choices. However,
when google selects what results to display, it is easy to forget a decision
was made at all. Yet, on google two people can get different search results
with the same term. Bias does not appear in data from nowhere. Bias originates
from a broader social context effecting data, and a heuristic of neutrality
that pretends its nonexistent. Relegating bias to only the data supports the
myth that future debiasing data manipulation will produce the perfect algorithm.
It leaves unexamined decisions with broader social context. What elements do
algorithms choose to examine? Where do they source their data from? Debiasing
data manipulation can provide easily implementable short-term assistance. But,
heralding neutrality prevents developing long-lasting solutions to problematic structural
social patterns in algorithmic data and decision-making paradigms.”
But yeah
Humans are more biased then AI in some areas. I think it should be evaluated
case by case which should be used, but this idea that AI can be perfect and
humans can’t is leading to some really discriminatory practices.
Kara on Economic Rationality
“Here we make assumptions about the agent. They
are forward looking (meaning they care about their future). Ex. if you’re
working as a gov official and get your check, you’re going to save some of that
money for the future and not consume all of it now. They desire to smooth
consumption across time. This means they want their consumption in this period
and next period to be smoother, where they aren’t spending it all today or
tomorrow. Further, current consumption should not reach much to predictable
changes in income that were predicted in the past. Lastly, these agents are rational meaning their behavior is optimizing,
so they are optimizing utility (satisfaction, happiness). I will only focus on
the assumptions of this model, to keep it simple.”
Two quick questions 1. I’ve never understood what we
rely on to make these assumptions about the agent, most agents I know are not
fiscally responsible or significantly forward looking, or can’t be. Does that
justify an economic theory where its economically rational to spend all your
money on recreation?
2. I think there’s interesting interaction with Prof.
Johnson’s presentation of Hume’s problem of induction here. Since we have no logical
reason to believe past evidence supports how the world will operate in the
future, isn’t it illogical to be future oriented?
Rukmini on Textualism
Yeah I think I brought up Johnson last semester in
Phil of Law to make a different argument, and I was kinda of learning and understanding
the canons of inference through the epistemic values lens. I’m glad to see
someone else making connections between these phil of science arguments and
legal interpretation!
Nicole on value-laden decisionmaking
“Recognizing this reality is crucial. We
cannot expect individuals in the public or even judges who work in the criminal
justice system to stop trying to apply the probabilistic findings of scientists
or algorithms to real life situations. The important question, then, is this: who is the person who is best suited to be making the value-laden judgements that must be made? “
I think these two sentences nail it with getting to the
crux of the question. Just to add to the paper as a whole, regardless of who
should be, the scientist will definitely not be the decisionmaker given their
fear of value-laden judgements, leaving the options really to the judge and the
algorithm. As you say, judges will be influenced by the algorithm, but a
distributing trend that compounds this is court packing and our legal systems
heavy load on justices for judicial processing. Judges time per case only appears
to be getting shorter and shorter so its no surprise algorithms were rapidly
adopted for quick decision-making. Just like with plea deals I fear we will
favor the faster option, then the more just one.
Old Paper to make Hurley’s printing
life more difficult. I wonder if each Blog post I write is longer than the last
where we will be at the end of the semester? 50 pages? For comparison this one
is 19. Comment your guess.
The Inductive Failings of Debiasing
Data Manipulation, Towards a Structural Approach to Algorithmic Bias in Data
and the Heuristic of Neutrality
First, I explain how Induction’s risk of a
false conclusion means algorithmic decision-making inevitably incorporates bias.
I explore how algorithmic biases arise from data. I present debiasing data
manipulation techniques to correct biased data. Then I challenge debiasing’s ability
to mitigate social biases effect on data. I outline the failure of individual
program bias mitigation strategies which do not change associated structural patterns.
I use induction to illustrate how algorithms reproduce the problematic social
environment of their training data. Finally, I explore algorithmic bias in the
heuristic of neutrality surrounding algorithmic decision-making. I conclude
attempts to eliminate algorithmic bias through solely debiasing data
manipulation is ineffective.
Inductive risk means algorithmic
decision-making contains bias. An inductive argument’s premises’ truth does not
guarantee the conclusion’s truth. Induction is used to bridge the inductive gap
between evidence and a potential conclusion. We may observe billions of
exclusively black ravens. Yet, to conclude all ravens are black, including
unobserved ravens, requires something beyond past evidence. This additional
value must warrant that the evidence is sufficiently strong or probable to overcome
the inductive gap and accept the conclusion. This supports premise 1: every
induction risks getting things wrong. There is always a potential unobserved
grey raven. Premise 2: since every induction risks being false, inductive
decision-makers must decide at what point their inductive support is
sufficiently strong to take on that risk. An algorithm that tests drugs, must reach a
point where it decides some drug is safe enough to release for use. Different
rational actors may decide at different thresholds. An algorithm may choose to
release the drug at 70% safety, viewing the potential benefits of immediate
deployment as worth the risk. Another more risk-averse algorithm or scientist may
wait until 99% safety for the same drug. There will never be a 100% guarantee
of safety. In making the decision to release a drug, some values, which contain
bias, are necessary to cross the inductive gap. The conclusion is bias is a
necessary component of induction. Just as scientists carry inductive biases
into the lab, no algorithm is perfectly neutral. Not all biases are inherently
problematic, and there is no shame in admitting algorithms possess them. However, there are numerous examples of algorithms
possessing problematic social bias. Google autocorrected to “himself” rather
than “herself” upon receiving “English major who taught herself calculus.” [1]
(Noble 2018, pg. 142) In this case, Google’s search algorithm decides a typing
mistake for a man is more likely than a woman intentionally typing the phrase.
Algorithmic biases arise from problems in the
data. In 2016 ProPublica found Northpointe’s risk-assessment algorithm for
criminal sentencing racially biased. It was nearly twice as likely to falsely
flag black defendants for future crime as whites.[2]
(ProPublica 2016) White defendants were falsely labeled as low risk for repeat
crime more often than black defendants. Northpointe’s programmers did not
explicitly write racist lines of code. In fact, from the 137 questions the
algorithm uses, race is not included. Thus, even without the explicit use of
social factors in algorithmic decision-making, algorithmic decisions are
influenced by social patterns. Rather than programmed biases, algorithms
develop biases from patterns in the data upon which they are trained. For
example, an algorithm receives data about people being arrested in a city. Of
the arrests 90% are black. The algorithm will conclude that black people in
that city are likely criminals. It will not account for the high police
presence in black neighborhoods creating high arrest percentages. Even if it
avoids race as a factor, secondary factors such as socio-economic status and
cultural touchpoints will reproduce similar effects along racial lines as
displayed by ProPublica. Since algorithms learn from patterns in past data,
they will reproduce those same patterns. This means if existing data is
problematic and socially laden, inferences made by algorithms from it will be
as well. Therefore, to create algorithms which do not reproduce existing problematic
biases we need to fix their data.
Now, I provide debiasing data manipulation
techniques to correct for problematic biases in algorithms’ data. A popular debiasing
approach is to amplify the representation of an underrepresented group. Google’s
algorithm autocorrects “women in stem” to “men in stem.” Google can multiply
the number of “women in stem” search cases until it equals the number of
searches of “men in stem.” This approach of amplifying representation by
multiplying existing counter-stereotypical examples can help prevent existing
social stereotypes from reproducing themselves. With this technique women will
be shown similar search results to men, and not pushed into stereotypical gender
roles by algorithms. If applied to Northpointe, white defendants would no
longer be underrepresented in the data. These are simple examples of data
manipulation, the extent to which you can shift weighting of features in a data
set is near limitless. Parts of data sets can easily be given x times as much
weight, enabling flexible results. Additional algorithms could even be
developed to automatically adjust the weighting to maintain equivalence. For
instance, decreasing the weighting of women data points if the number of searches
on “women in stem” increases, or increasing weighting upon decreases. The
flexibility, simplicity, and speed of these corrections outline the
effectiveness of debiasing through data manipulation. Hence, the adoption of
these strategies over the past few years.
Next, I challenge debiasing data manipulation
techniques effectiveness in creating non-problematic data. I contend there are problems
with relying on solely debiasing data manipulation for mitigating problematic
social biases. These debiasing techniques privilege subsets in ways that
reproduces bias through other characteristics. Existing women in stem may have
many characteristics not present in women generally such as higher parental
wealth. As such a debiased algorithm identifying future stem majors may
identify an equal number of men and women, but it would be disproportionately
weighted towards the affluent. This means it does not resolve the fundamental
problem of reproducing past trends. Some women who do not grow up in affluent
families should become stem majors. But if most past successful examples are of
affluent women, algorithms will identify the non-wealthy as unfit. There may be
an attempt to forcibly decrease the weighting of wealthy stem majors. Then the
algorithm will be dominated by men stem majors who are far more common among middle-
and lower-class upbringings. Additionally, reweighting the number of data
points does not change percentages. Multiply the number of white defendants in
Northpointe’s algorithm. Those white defendants’ false flag rate remains the
same, not equivalent to black defendants, since it simply increases the size of
the existing data set. This reproduces an algorithm that is discriminatory in
how often it concludes white defendants will reoffend. Third, the “black box”
nature of many complex algorithms means engineers cannot explain, let alone
effectively modify these programs while maintaining accurate predictions. Fourth,
bias comes from what is absent from the data set. People who search about
“women in stem” have technological access, many women who are interested may not.
If two women are considering stem. A
heavy tech user will likely search on google, while the other women may ask a
friend. The light tech user will have their biases underrepresented in search
datasets. These biases are nearly impossible to manipulate due to creating
absences within the training data. These doubts challenge debiasing data
manipulation techniques’ ability to prevent individual algorithms from
inheriting problematic social patterns.
Changes to mitigate algorithmic bias cannot
happen at the level of individual programs and must account for structural
patterns. A major problem facing debiasing data manipulation techniques is
their inability to resolve social structures’ effects through implicit biases.
A definition of implicit bias resulting from social structures is “simply
ideology that is internalized while occupying the social structures it supports.”[3]
(Haslanger 2015, pg. 8) I contend we recognize the existence of implicit
algorithmic biases to challenge problematic biases. If past examples were
insufficient support, I propose implicit biases are necessary to algorithms.
Algorithms only have value insofar as they can explain for a person’s behavior beyond
explicitly stated characteristics. The unbiased algorithm is unable to make
inductive inferences and needs the input stem major to determine a person is a
stem major. It does not produce any knowledge. In mapping implicit bias, each
data node depends upon background data points. Individual characteristics
should not be viewed in isolation, but as a web of associations. Failing to mitigate
bias in associated characteristics results in bias reproducing itself even when
explicitly corrected for in individual connections such as between women and
stem. Manipulating the data of individual programs cannot resolve the larger surrounding
web of social biases that construct the data. A perfectly debiased racially
balanced crime recidivism algorithm sounds wonderful until you realize the
sentencing algorithm gives five times the prison time too black defendants.
This does not mean you have one bad program and one good program. Rather it
reveals the crime recidivism algorithm is predicting black recidivism at five
times the rate given their higher sentences. Therefore, while external
solutions to problems in the data are necessary, they must go beyond fixing immediate
inputs of an algorithm.
So long as problematic social patterns are
present in the environment, the data which arises from that environment will
train an algorithm which reproduces those problematic social patterns. When we
understand algorithmic decision-making through the lens of induction this
conclusion becomes predictable. When deciding on a conclusion from a pool of
evidence, characteristics, or premises, the algorithm employs the results of
its training data to overcome the inductive gap and decide. This means the bias
used to decide a person is sufficiently likely to become a stem major is based
on past examples. Therefore, all instances of algorithmic induction will always
make decisions regarding new cases by closely reproducing its past data set.
That is not inherently bad, but a constitutive component of algorithms that
prevents them from anything beyond predictions which recreate past. Therefore,
since we live in a world which is thoroughly influenced by problematic social
patterns, if we want algorithms to not recreate those patterns with corrupted
data sets, we need to change those data sets externally not solely via code.
Beyond
accounting for algorithmic bias resulting from data inputs influenced by social
structures, I contend we must account for bias in the neutrality heuristic used
surrounding algorithmic decision-making. The neutrality heuristic inhibits
effective countermeasures to bias in data under the pretense that it is already
neutral. It propagates a myth of objectivity, of no algorithmic decision. If
you asked Trump to set the top ten search results for the word “spy,” you could
scrutinize their choices. However, when google selects what results to display,
it is easy to forget a decision was made at all. Yet, on google two people can
get different search results with the same term. Bias does not appear in data
from nowhere. Bias originates from a broader social context effecting data, and
a heuristic of neutrality that pretends its nonexistent. Relegating bias to
only the data supports the myth that future debiasing data manipulation will
produce the perfect algorithm. It leaves unexamined decisions with broader
social context. What elements do algorithms choose to examine? Where do they
source their data from? Debiasing data manipulation can provide easily
implementable short-term assistance. But, heralding neutrality prevents developing
long-lasting solutions to problematic structural social patterns in algorithmic
data and decision-making paradigms.
In this paper I have explored how debiasing
data manipulation techniques are an ineffective long-term solution to
algorithmic bias. The process of induction means inevitably algorithmic
decision-making needs bias to make decisions. Problematic biases arise from
both algorithms’ training data and decision-making heuristics. Debiasing data
manipulation techniques fail because they overly isolate individual cases, ignore
data’s web of associations, and avoid explicit confrontation with bias due to
neutral heuristics. Algorithms will always reproduce patterns in past data so
solely algorithmic solutions can not rectify problematic patterns. Therefore,
broad external structural changes to society and heuristics are necessary to
develop long-term solutions to the problem of algorithmic bias.
Bibliography
“Algorithms of Oppression: How Search Engines Reinforce
Racism Introduction and Ch. 5.” Algorithms of Oppression: How Search Engines
Reinforce Racism, by Safiya Umoja Noble, New York University Press, 2018.
Julia Angwin, Jeff Larson. “Machine Bias.” ProPublica, 23
May 2016, www.propublica.org/article/machine-bias-risk-assessments-in-criminal-sentencing.
Distinguished Lecture: Social structure, narrative and
explanation Sally Haslanger Canadian Journal of Philosophy, 2015 Vol. 45, No.
1, 1–15, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.2015.1019176
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