IDK Man - Angela Davis was right lol
I want to examine Brettschneider’s discussion of restorative justice and the way it related to punishment. Brettschneider is essentially arguing that criminals violate rules that we established for the mutually respectable treatment of each other. They are failing to act as a good-faith participant in society. The question is – how can we restore the key aspect of mutual accountability where people play a role as equal autonomous rulers in making the law, thus having equal obligations to follow the law. The criminal is a citizen who is broken in that they created the law that they felt like we were all obligated to follow but then did not follow it. This idea is similar to what was articulated by Stephen and William Darwall when they talked about how punishment involves restoring someone to a state of mutual accountability. Therefore punishment involves holding people accountable for their actions and securing their appreciation of the necessity to take accountability to others for what they did. They must apologize to the community for failing as a joint author of the law and taking advantage of that status and to the victim for what they did.
Brettschneider states that “Democratic
citizens pursuing the common good have a basic need to be free from violence and
other abuses. Even those convicted of crimes can appreciate this rationale when
they think about the law in general, not just from their particular circumstances.”
He goes on to say “Adopting the position of a citizen in general, they can
acknowledge the legitimacy of the laws under which they were convicted and,
thus, are rightly subject to it themselves when they break the law. This is how
the Trop principle, therefore, justifies prisoners’ loss of liberty by ensuring
that the punishment is consistent with democratic citizenship” (142).
I largely agree with Brettschneider’s
account, in theory, however, I believe that this framework of examining
punishment fails to suffice in reality due to most democratic states being unjust.
In today’s society, voter disenfranchisement disproportionately affects people
of color, and due to the history of voting in this country, most people of
color did not have a say regarding the laws that governed them and the
statutory interpretation that provided recourse through the law for them. As a result,
they cannot acknowledge “the legitimacy of the laws under which they were convicted”
and have no reason to “rightly subject to it themselves when they break the law”
(160). Therefore, there is no justification for the loss of liberty with imprisonment.
Tommie Shelbie spoke about these cases where (this is quoting Brettschneider’s
summary of his argument) that “those who have been deprived of basic material goods
cannot rightly be held legally responsible for crime that is property related.”
If people of color feel that the profound structural injustices they experience cause the law’s formation to make the law be illegitimate, the Trop
principle does not hold up. The system of popular sovereignty treated
marginalized people unequally and devalued their role in its exercise, so the
laws it created are illegitimate.
For example, if an impoverished
person commits welfare fraud to sustain themselves and their family and ensure
their children are being fed, that is not an individual failure but a systemic
one. No individual has to apologize or be held accountable. The system needs
to be. The restorative model presupposed a just structure of the state and
popular sovereignty, but what if this is not the case. It raises a question as
to where the system being a part of the problem committed by the individual
renders the punishment cruel rather than restorative. How does Brettschneider’s argument apply in a
country like the USA – where we fall dramatically short of the norms that give
value to the law-making process, we do not have equality of interest in the way
we make laws, we are systematically biased against some people to the advantage
of others, we do not respect the autonomy of people equally, we do not engage
in mutual justification, and we obstruct the access of people of color (especially
Black and indigenous people) to the ballot.
The Trop
principle says we created the rules that govern us, so we acknowledge them as
legitimate and accept our punishment. For marginalized people, they did not
create those rules – the project of those rules was forced onto them, it was
not one they were a part of. This seems to affect the way the principle can be
applied. This causes this account to be purely ideal theory, something we can
aspire to but cannot say is how punishment is justified and how it functions.
If we do not admit that this account seems like it could be unhelpful and even misleading
at times.
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