Are naturalistic theories really that bad

 Beitz explores four features of natural rights models: 1) natural rights are not dependent on “the moral convictions and positive laws of their society”; 2) natural rights are “pre-institutional in a logical” rather than historical sense; 3) natural rights are possessed by persons “at all times and in all places”; 4) natural rights are “simply in virtue of their humanity” which means it applies to all human beings regardless of their spatial location or social relationships (52-53). Beitz further explains that naturalistic interpretation of human rights presents limitations to the scope and content of human rights, as their contemporary practice can be divergent and go beyond from the understandings of natural rights.

I generally agree with Beitz on his account of why naturalistic theories are limited. His argument presents a sharp contrast with Rawls’ notion of the original position, which is a thought experiment that asks people to suppose no societal affiliations or labels being in place and construct a notion of justice without these social connotations. Beitz rebuts that, for example, the Lockean theory of natural rights entails the protection of personal security and liberty against predictable threats of tyrannical or oppressive government. However, in today’s day and age, the international concern for human rights expand beyond the scope of infringement of political capabilities. Today’s demands for human rights protection extended well beyond the political scope to a package of social conditions that are necessary for the “living of dignified human lives” (57). Without taking into account of today’s situational demands in a timely manner, it would be unreasonable to assume that the prescribed natural rights are sufficient to sustain our international human rights protection system.

Nevertheless, I offer two points of critique against Beitz’s arguments. I wanted to focus on one, but just throwing two out here for the sake of more fruitful discussions.

  1. Beitz’s interpretation of naturalistic theories here are similarly to interpretations of strict originalists in legal theories. Strict originalists want to find out the original legislative intent of our founders when a statute was made, and use that intent as the ruler for judgment in current cases. However, I would argue that though it is unreasonable to assume that our founders could have predicted everything when a statute was made, it is unreasonable for Beitz to assume that naturalistic theories are JUST old and outdated philosophical inquiries among Western philosophers. Locke’s account did specifically appeal to the protection of citizens under a governmental structure and the fundamental rights of citizens in a political society. However, the more fundamental ideal that I think Locke is appealing to is individuals’ entitlement to these capabilities, whether it be economic, political or social. Beitz’s interpretation of naturalistic theories are too normative or literal in the sense that he neglects how these naturalistic theories are based on the people’s entitlement to freedoms in general, not just specific types of freedoms.
  2. How can individuals be truly guaranteed of human rights without the fundamental acknowledgement or guarantee that these human rights are their natural entitlements? Beitz has a really practical account of human rights, which basically describes human rights as a political rhetoric or modern discourse. I agree that human rights discourse does justify and legitimize appropriate human rights interventions. But, without rooting the nature of human rights or the value of having human rights in people’s natural entitlement to them, how can the value of practicing human rights (in Beitz’s account) be substantial? For example, human rights provisions did try to protect gender equality like the UN establishing the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). These enforcement systems are formally in place, like in Beitz’s account, human rights are practiced. However, without substantial ideological change or efforts to change to how society is biased towards women through further judicial enforcement or policy changes and campaigns, how is the human rights practice valuable to change gender inequality? Something to think about.

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